Stephen Walt’s blog at Foreign Policy inspired my question earlier.
For the most part, I think Walt hits the nail on the head. His thesis is essentially that a lack of political capacity to address major issues is what keeps global problems from being solved. I’d go a step further and say that a lack of political will is tied to this in a big way.
Walt’s solutions to creating a better world:
1. Less is More. As outgoing FP editor Moises Naim suggested in his essay on “minilateralism,” we need to focus less on universal agreements that all states adhere to, and more on achieving agreements among a smallest number of the most important actors in a given realm. I was skeptical of this idea when I first heard it, but I’m increasingly convinced that he was onto something.
Instead of a new Doha Round, for instance, a multilateral trade regime involving the G20 would be far easier (though not easy) to negotiate. Instead of trying for a climate agreement approved by the nearly 200 U.N. member states, focus on achieving an agreement among the top ten producers of greenhouse gases (or maybe even just the top five) and then try to bring in the rest over time. And if the bottom 100 countries never join in, it probably won’t matter that much.
And while we’re at it, we might think about getting rid of some global institutions that don’t seem to be doing much of anything anymore. I’ve heard at least one retired diplomat complain that nothing ever gets done because foreign offices spend all their time preparing for the next (probably meaningless) international summit. He was obviously exaggerating, but do we really need NATO, the EU, the WEU, the OSCE, the G20, the and the entire alphabet soup of existing international organizations? Might allowing some of these organizations to quietly shut their doors help us get the others to work better?
2. Emphasize Accountability. Both internationally and domestically, leaders have to be held accountable for mistakes. Here in the United States, about the only thing that can derail a politician’s career and reputation permanently is a sex scandal (and sometimes even that doesn’t even do it). The architects of major disasters like the Iraq war remain ubiquitous and respected members of the foreign policy establishment, the pundits who backed it continue to publish, and Democrats who backed the war now occupy most of the top foreign policy positions in the Obama administration. So if you curious why we seem to repeating some of the same mistakes in Afghanistan, maybe there’s your answer. I’m all for hiring experienced people, but shouldn’t we try to recruit people who have been right on the really big issues in the past?
3. Raise the Salience of Institutional Reform. Fixing dysfunctional institutions isn’t sexy; it is in fact the essence of wonkish drudgery. Most of us (myself included) prefer to focus on the issues themselves and offer various prescriptions, instead of thinking about how to design political institutions that can bring knowledge and resources together for the common good. Put simply, fixing institutions is boring. But I’m beginning to think that we neglect it at our peril, and it is intriguing to see that some academics are way ahead of me on this issue.
I agree with his assessment, particularly the 2nd and 3rd points. Accountability, both corporate and political, is severely lacking the world over, and especially in the parts of the world where development is most desperately needed. But even in the US, the habit of voters to cast their votes based solely on party and not on voting record keeps ineffective leaders in office. Transparency, transparency, transparency.
Institutional reform is also a major issue, especially when dealing with international human rights issues. For example, the International Criminal Court is not always effective in trying war criminals, even those that are often in the public eye. An arrest warrant was issued for Omar al-Bashir, the President of Sudan, in 2008 for crimes against humanity, war crimes, and criminal responsibility for genocide. He has yet to be arrested and is considered a fugitive. He is also a candidate in the 2010 Sudanese Presidential election.
So to answer my own question: The biggest hurdle to overcome is fixing our political system as a whole. Without sweeping reforms and greater civic responsibility, our institutions will continue to be dysfunctional and ineffective. We need to take a look at the weaknesses and address them in a way that not only creates greater transparency and efficacy, but also the ability to make alterations in the long-run.
But reform will only happen when the political will for it exists.